There is
considerable confusion on the role and usefulness of third party
administrators (TPAs) in India. The Insur- ance Regulatory and
Development Authority (IRDA) defines TPA as ‘an insurance
intermediary licensed by theAuthority who, either directly or
indirectly, solicits or effects coverage of, underwrite, collect,
charge premium from an insured, or adjust or settle claims in
connection with health insurance, except as an agent or broker
or an insurer.’ Basically, a TPA acts as a service integrator
between the insurer, the insured and the health service provider.
To provide a brief background, the Insurance Regulatory and
Development Bill, which was passed by parliament in January 2000,
allowed the insurance sector to open up to private players. IRDA is
the apex body that will ensure that the insurance sector operates in
a manner that is consistent with interest of consumers. The General
Insurance Company was converted into India’s national
re-insurer in December 2000, and all the subsidiaries working under
the GIC umbrella were restructured as independent insurance
companies. Parliament cleared a bill on July 30, 2002 delinking the
four subsidiaries from GIC. A separate bill has been approved
to allow brokers, cooperatives and intermediaries in the
sector.
The TPAs were introduced as intermediaries to facilitate claims
settlements between the insurer and the insured. Insurance companies
have been searching for ways and means to get their management
expenses in line with the specifications laid down by
IRDA.1 Insurers can now outsource their
administrative activities, including settlement of claims, to TPAs,
who offer such services at a cost. Since the TPAs are paid by the
insurers, it is argued that the policy holders should welcome such a
move since they receive enhanced facilities at no extra cost. The
other benefit of TPAs is that once the policy has been issued, the
insurance companies have to pass on all the records to the TPA, and
all the information regarding the insured will remain with the TPA.
Finally, the new system is supposed to be based on a cashless mode,
which is definitely an improvement over the previous system as far
as consumers are concerned.
Ultimately, of course, the role of TPAs in the country has to be
measured against the basic parameters of a functional health sector,
that is, are the TPAs able to make healthcare more accessible and
available to the population at large?
This paper is an attempt to understand the role of TPAs in theory
and practice in India. Its findings and conclusions are based on a
series of meetings, discussions and interviews with various TPAs,
insurance companies and providers, and are the authors’ own views.
For the sake of confidentiality, names of individuals and
organisations have not been mentioned here.
Before IRDA allowed the TPAs to formally enter the market, there
were intermediaries who were acting on behalf of the corporates and
playing a very similar role to that of present-day TPAs. Corporates
were utilising these agencies to help them make the process of
claim reimbursement easier and smoother for their employees. Also,
these agencies were helping to market the insurance products
available – mainly Mediclaim – to corporates.
The IRDA mandated that only an organisation registered under the
Companies Act, 1956 with a share capital of at least Rs 1 crore
could set up a TPA. Further, a minimum of Rs 1 crore worth of
working capital is also mandated by the IRDA regulations.
At the time of inviting applications, it is learnt, the IRDA
called a meeting of 108 potential players. With the limit of Rs 1
crore capital, only 23 TPAs remained and got registered. Of these,
the Mediclaim business of the public sector insurance companies was
allocated among 11 TPAs, but according to some of the TPAs contacted
for this research, this list was apparently very different from the
one initially drawn up by experts and other selected invitees. The
initial misallocation of the Mediclaim business – the reasons for
which seem to be not based on any objective criteria – is still seen
as a major reason for the subsequent outcome in the market for
Mediclaim business, which will be discussed below. It may be
mentioned here that most of the health insurance business comes from
the four public sector companies; the private companies at present
have only about 6 per cent of the medical insurance business, and
have given the business to only a couple of TPAs.
The following steps are involved from the time of the
policyholder informing the TPA to the latter settling the
claims:2 – All the records of medical insurance
policies of an insurer will be transferred to the TPA once the
insurance company has given the business to a TPA.
– The TPA will
issue identity cards to all policyholders, which they have to show
to the hospital authorities before availing any hospitalisation
services.
– In case of a claim, policyholder has to inform the
TPA on a 24-hour toll-free line provided by the latter.
– On
informing the TPA, policyholder will be directed to a hospital where
the TPA has a tied up arrangement. However, the policyholder will
have the option to join any other hospital of their choice, but in
such case payment shall be on reimbursement basis.
– TPA issues
an authorisation letter to the hospital for treatment, and will pay
for the treatment.
– TPA will track the case of the insured at
the hospital and at the point of discharge, all the bills will be
sent to TPA.
– TPA makes the payment to the hospital.
– TPA
sends all the documents necessary for consideration of claims, along
with bills to the insurer.
– Insurer reimburses the TPA.
Market for TPAs in India
Health insurance premiums in India have risen from Rs 531 crore
in 2000-01 to Rs 1,045 crore in 2002-03, which includes overseas
medical policies (IRDA Journal 2003). The four public sector
insurance companies have hiked premium by 6 per cent since January
2003, apparently to factor in cost escalation as a result of the
appointment of TPAs as mandated by IRDA. However, this revision
comes on the heels of another hefty hike of 15 per cent implemented
exactly a year earlier (Business Line, December 31, 2002).
The TPAs are being paid 5.5 per cent of gross premium as commission.
Based on a figure of over Rs 1,000 crore of premiums, this means
that the total business for TPAs in India is about Rs 50 crore. Some
business is, however, being conducted without TPAs. Based on the
rate of growth of insurance premiums in just one year, it is
possible that health insurance will grow much more in coming years,
giving more business to the TPAs.
Given the current business of about Rs 50 crore, it may seem that
even these 23 TPAs are probably too many. The market is already
divided among some that have cornered the major part of the
business. However, while bigger TPAs are more effective, for
pan-Indian operations, some of the smaller TPAs are also doing well
in terms of quality of service, in their limited areas of operation.
Success or lack of it depends on a fine balance of essentially three
parameters: (a) share of total business, (b) availability of
capital, and (c) geographic spread of operations. As in any market,
the unsuccessful players are expected to exit the business. In the
TPA market, the inefficient players, who are not able to satisfy
their main customers, would in theory exit the market; however, as
will be discussed below, this has not really happened in India. The
reason ultimately is that the TPA market is not really like any
other market: neither the entry nor the exit of TPAs from the market
is really free. As mentioned above, the entry of TPAs was based on
rationing of the total business and not a natural entry based on
market considerations. Similarly, the exit of inefficient TPAs is
also not due to market forces and, in fact, has not taken place at
all.
As mentioned earlier, one of the main benefits of a TPA to the
customer is a cashless transaction at the time of service delivery.
Clearly, this mode of business requires the TPAs to have sufficient
working capital to make payments to the hospital. Given the cashless
system of settlements being encouraged under the Mediclaim scheme,
insurance companies are insisting on bank guarantees from TPAs.
To illustrate how the system works, let us assume that the claims
ratio of Mediclaim is 100 per cent. This means that for a premium of
Rs 1 crore (Rs 100 lakh) per annum, the claim would also be Rs 100
lakh. Let us also assume that the turnaround time – the time taken
from the time of service delivery to the payment by the insurance
company to the TPA – for a claim on average is 15 days (presuming
efficient turnaround time). For a 15-day period, the claim amount
would be around Rs 4 lakh on an annual claim of Rs 100 lakh. Hence
if the insurance company insists on bank guarantees, and the
turnaround time for claims is on average 15 days, then for each Rs 1
crore of business, the TPA has to arrange for a bank guarantee of Rs
4 lakh. The bank would charge a commission while issuing the bank
guarantee. Further, it would also insist on a cash margin. If the
margin requirement were 50 per cent of the bank guarantee, then Rs 2
lakh cash margin would have to be provided for the issuance of a
bank guarantee of Rs 4 lakh for business worth Rs 1 crore. For
business worth Rs 1,000 crore, bank guarantees worth Rs 40 crore
would have to be provided. This would require a cash margin of Rs 20
crore, assuming 50 per cent margin. Thus the requirement of working
capital for TPAs goes up substantially. This example clearly
indicates that pan-Indian operations would require a substantial
amount of working capital for TPAs and of bank guarantee in
proportion to the size of the business. Initially, some TPAs could
not make the reimbursements to the hospitals and/or the customers on
time, with resultant confusion and frustration on the part of all
the stakeholders. Even now, some hospitals continue to complain
about not receiving payment on time.
As for the basic design of the new system of cashless payment, it
is clear that the entire system is not as yet cashless; a
significant portion of the Mediclaim business is still in the form
of reimbursement to the policyholder. One TPA mentioned a 30-70
split between cashless and reimbursement; however, this
may vary widely among TPAs. The reason for not moving over to
the cashless system could be both a preference of consumers who like
to visit their selected hospitals that are not on the TPA network,
or the hospitals, who prefer to be paid by patients directly rather
than wait for settlement. A third reason is an emergency situation
where the consumer does not have much of a choice.
Benefits of TPAs – Theoretical
With the Indian healthcare scenario of high out-of-pocket payment
for curative care – both hospital and domiciliary, – limited health
insurance for the majority of the population, uncontrolled expansion
of the private health sector and falling standards of government
healthcare facility, there is understandably a lot of confusion
about what should be the ideal set of reforms However, it was clear
that the health insurance sector needed to expand for greater
coverage, at least for catastrophic illnesses. It was also quite
obvious that the four public sector general insurance companies were
unable to offer a product that was more useful or consumer-friendly
than Mediclaim as it was designed in the beginning.3
Finally, the reimbursement process for even those few who had the
policy was arduous and complicated enough to diminish the value of
the benefits considerably in the eyes of the customer.
In this scenario, privatisation of the insurance sector and the
subsequent creation of the system of TPAs meant that there was a
possibility of more efficiency in the insurance market because of
more competition as well as the creation of a professional cadre to
look after speedy disposal of payments. Thus, outsourcing of the
service facility did make eminent sense, especially given the
service quality of PSU companies. Average time for claim processing
before the TPAs came into existence was apparently much longer than
what it is now: some TPAs claim that the settlement is done in a
matter of days. Due to lack of adequate data, it is not really
clear what the current average turnaround time is.
Secondly, the cashless system is definitely an improvement over
the reimbursement scheme, and the choice set for such cashless
transactions expanded when the TPAs succeeded in enlisting many more
hospitals and nursing homes on the approved list eligible for
cashless facility.
From the perspective of the insurance companies, the TPAs benefit
them by bringing down the claims ratio, by reducing false claims as
well as standardising treatment costs. While the standardisation has
still not been completed, if it happens it would benefit the
consumers immensely, at least in theory. It appears that the
incurred claims ratio of PSU companies in health insurance has been
brought down to 91.07 per cent in 2002-03 from 99.21 per cent in
2001-02 [Gupta 2003]. How much of this improvement is on account of
TPAs is, of course, a point that needs more analysis.
Finally, the TPAs can play a huge role in making appropriate data
available for actuarial calculations, because they are the
recipients of morbidity data that are linked with individual
characteristics such as age. From a research and policy perspective
too, the availability of such data is of immense value.
Experience with TPAs
The initial performance of TPAs has not been up to the mark for
several reasons, one of the main being the inability of some of them
to deliver the goods. Perhaps the best way to introduce the TPAs was
to run a pilot scheme and iron out teething problems, instead of
changing the system almost overnight that involved a different mode
of functioning for all the stakeholders. With so many TPAs entering
the market with different capabilities and capital, it is not
surprising that much confusion ensued. Those that had good links
with hospitals earlier or who invested in tying up technologically
with hospitals seem to be doing better than others. Similarly, TPAs
that had not spread out too fast and too thinly across India seemed
to have performed better than others. Unfortunately, discussions
with insurance companies indicated that despite their
non-peformance, the TPAs were not blacklisted due to
non-professional considerations.
There are some other features of the new system that need to be
taken into account to evaluate the functioning and usefulness of
TPAs.
Individual vs corporate business: Firstly, there is
no doubt that the individual health insurance business is
cross-subsidising corporate business (often known as ‘accommodation
business’). The informal nexus among corporate houses, corporate
hospitals, insurance companies and TPAs is ensuring that the claims
ratio is high on corporate insurance, and low on individual
insurance. Insurance companies agreed off the record that there
often is pressure from corporate houses on insurance companies to
get specific claims settled. This obviously means that ordinary
policyholders are being subjected to stricter scrutiny.
Incentive for hospitals: For hospitals that are not also
offering TPA or insurance services, there does not seem to be a
great incentive to move over to the TPA system with delayed payment
in contrast to the earlier system of on-the-spot payment. The
discussions did indicate that some hospitals were not getting their
payments on time and were reluctant to work with some of the current
TPAs. However, as more and more health insurance policies are
issued, even leading hospitals have to deal with TPAs. On the other
side, some TPAs were of the opinion that the hospitals do not send
the requisite information to them in time for them to be able to
process the claims. The view is that hospitals have to be given
substantial training before they can actually be an efficient part
of this new system.
However, discussions with hospitals revealed that demand for
hospital care has been increasing substantially with the new TPA
system, and that it is in the hospitals’ interests to move over
to the TPA system. Nevertheless, it probably continues to be
true that demand for insurance-linked hospital care is mostly
centred around the upper end of the tertiary care sector, with more
expensive and super specialty hospitals benefiting the most from the
new system.
Hospital-backed TPAs: there is already
evidence that a couple of hospital chains have got TPA licence. This
is certainly unethical and against the basic guidelines laid down by
IRDA. This system will ensure that the TPA/hospital will work
towards its own system, and there is always a possibility of playing
favourites, that is, smooth claim settlement towards this hospital,
and not to the other hospitals. This kind of system is, therefore,
likely to bring in malpractices. Similarly, there are instances
where insurance brokers have also ventured into the TPA business
through a sister concern. There are implications of conflict of
interest in this situation. At present, TPAs are not allowed to
market health insurance policies due to a conflict of interest.
However, it cannot be denied that a TPA that sells the policy will
probably have an incentive to offer better services. Legally, it is
difficult not to allow promoters to enter allied businesses as
suitable equity structuring can always be done. But, due to the
possibility of unethical practices, the IRDA/insurance companies
need to ensure that a strict separation is maintained between these
businesses.
There are also instances of some TPAs working on behalf of
corporates (IRDA Journal, January 2003), which is another
area of collusion that is fraught with inefficient outcomes. In
fact, a notice from the IRDA to TPAs and general insurers says that
“it has been observed of late by the authority that the offices of
various insurance companies and licensed third party administrators
– health services are entering into agreements at the insistence of
their clients for the sake of business considerations allowing TPAs
to charge separate fees in addition to insurance premium. These TPAs
although licensed by the authority, perforce have to enter into such
agreements to ensure the survival of their operations in view of the
reluctance by insurance companies to empanel and utilise them. It is
hereby clarified that in the case of all such agreements which are
out of the scope of IRDA (Third party Administrators – Health
Services) Regulations, 2001 adequate precautions must be taken by
informing the customer clearly of this fact.” While it is not clear
exactly what this entails and how and what the customer should be
informed about, the recognition of this phenomenon is an important
development within IRDA.
These points indicate that the system of TPAs, while
theoretically sound and useful, is in practice fraught with
problems. The first issue is that different TPAs face different
constraints in terms of capital, capacity and connections. This
immediately implies that it is not a level playing field for the
functioning of the TPAs. Therefore, there is an incentive among the
stakeholders to form liaisons and collude. Almost all the
stakeholders, except the policyholders, have a business angle. Given
that the total market is limited, each one is trying to grab a major
share. Among the TPAs, some hold a major share of the total
business, while the smaller players are trying to stay afloat. One
sure way of ensuring a greater share of the insurance market,
administration of insurance and hospital services is by collusions
and mergers, a natural phenomenon of imperfect markets. One method
of collusion is informal payment or bribes. Corruption has been
mentioned by everyone with whom discussions were held, clearly
indicating that the TPA is not functioning as a competitive system
with efficient outcomes. Corruption or non-market methods of
allocation of business result in distortions and unnecessary system
costs, which are then passed on to consumers as higher prices or
premiums. Ultimately, in such a system, the policyholders have the
most to lose.
Cost to consumer: customers are paying for
the extra service being provided by TPAs through a higher premium.
If, in fact, the claims ratio is coming down and the insurance
companies are being freed of their workload, then the savings in
terms of both money and other administrative costs should be passed
on to the consumers. This is currently not happening; insurance
companies are not passing on the savings made in outsourcing
administrative work being done by the TPAs. Of course, the claims
ratio may be not coming down as significantly as it seems due to the
presence of family floaters that are now being offered by insurance
companies.
Marketing the universal health scheme: A new
finance ministry initiative has been the universal health scheme,
which was targeted at the poor. The premium of Re 1 per day was
designed to bring in large sections of the less-well-to-do
population under the insurance net. This has not happened for a
variety of reasons, one of the most important being that poor
families find it hard to pay Rs 365 per person or Rs 548 for a
family per annum. Another reason for this scheme not doing well has
been the lack of marketability of the product and the difficulty of
reaching populations in the rural areas. The margin of profits for
TPAs in this business is very low, and the TPAs do not seem to be
interested in raising their share of this product. The insurance
companies also do not seem to be very aggressive about selling this
product to those below the poverty line, only 3,576 families of the
2,50,000 families covered were below the poverty
line.4 The relevance of this in the context of the
TPAs lies in scaling up of insurance for communities that are hard
to reach or which are not apparently profitable to the companies.
Given the low educational and economic status of communities that do
not really understand insurance procedures, the role of TPAs takes
on even greater significance. But the incentives are not conducive
for them to want to service these policyholders.
Cost of
healthcare: Cashless facility increases the capacity of
policyholders to incur higher costs at the time of illness, and
therefore has a tendency to inflate the demand for high-cost care.
This could be limited to a certain extent with the presence of a
system of co-payments. In any case, this tendency will be reinforced
from the supply side, and there is a real fear that the presence of
TPAs will facilitate the inherent cost-increasing nature of the
current system, resulting in welfare loss for consumers. The
mechanism is as follows: the presence of insurance will result in
supplier-induced demand especially in diagnostics and
super-specialty treatment. Hospitals would like to shape up for
these types of services, which can only be done by accruing
additional revenues from higher prices of healthcare. In principle,
it is conceivable that: (a) consumers who do not have insurance pay
higher costs, (b) consumers who do not have access to such five-star
hospitals also pay the same high premiums, and (c) every
policyholder may end up paying higher premiums sooner or later, that
is, insurance companies may clamour for revision of premiums in
the near future. Some of this could be limited if the insurance
policies are more flexible in terms of the kind of facilities that
can be availed: for instance, with sub-limits, those who pay more
can avail of costlier facilities. Of course, with more extensive
coverage, and a certain degree of standardisation of services/costs,
the increase in premiums can be contained somewhat.
The other reason why premiums may go up would be the inability of
TPAs to make enough profits, especially those TPAs that are spread
out all over the country. Discussions with many TPAs revealed that
there is dissatisfaction with the 5.5 per cent commission. There is
a lot of variation in calculating break-even among the TPAs on
account of their in-built costs. One player estimated the break-even
in metros at Rs 10 crore of premium business and for non-metros at
Rs 4 crore, while another estimated the break-even premium at Rs 100
crore for the TPA. Some TPAs frankly admitted that they were making
losses as of now, and hoped to turn things around in a few more
years. The public sector general insurance companies should be
bringing down their total management costs from about 30 per cent to
about 20 per cent (as per the Insurance Act).
Do insurance companies have any incentive to control the systemic
costs? No. Since corporate clients are keeping the bulk of the
business afloat, and also because of the influence they have with
insurance companies, their claims are seldom rejected, though some
TPAs argue that corporate claims have gone down because they have
been able to reject wrong claims. Cost control is not something that
they are consciously seeking to do. The TPAs – by turning around
payments quickly – will only add to these tendencies of higher
prices of healthcare; higher the turnover of patients, greater the
incentive for hospitals to make higher per-unit profits.
Thus, while it is too early to say much yet, there is some reason
to believe that the system has no in-built mechanism for cost
control, and none of the important players seems to be worried about
this aspect. The lack of a mechanism for cost control has been
mentioned by others [Bhat 2003] and will likely remain an important
issue for sometime.
Role of IRDA
The discussion so far indicates that the system of TPAs can work
if one tries and avoids the pitfalls. And since regulation and
development were the two key functions of the IRDA, it has to play
these two roles, instead of letting things take their own course. We
list out below some of the areas that need greater attention by the
IRDA.
– IRDA could attempt to amend current regulations so that
some of the sources of malpractice could be stemmed. For instance,
the practice of hospital-backed TPAs is likely to give rise to
conflict of interests, which can be taken care of by a right set of
regulations.5
– It must review the performance
of each TPA objectively, especially with regard to unethical
practices.
– How many TPAs is an optimum number at this
juncture? This question needs to be looked at by the IRDA, together
with the insurance companies and the TPAs. If necessary, a revision
of the list may be undertaken in an objective fashion.
– Review
the role of TPA. Should the TPAs be allowed to market health
insurance products? Would that be a more transparent system than the
one currently in operation,, where side deals seem to be going on,
especially since the market is not large enough for everyone.
–
One of the main reasons for opening up the sector was to encourage
health insurance. That does not seem to be happening, despite the
need for it. Allowing individual policyholders to subsidise
corporate policyholders goes counter to this line of thinking, and
IRDA must intervene to prevent this from happening.
– If
private players have been provided insurance licences on the basis
of business plans that include health insurance, then IRDA must
ensure that the health insurance business plans be implemented and
not just remain on paper. IRDA could also think in terms of the
approach adopted in the case of rural/social sector insurance
businesses, wherein minimum business targets have to be achieved.
Private players with foreign partners should be encouraged to
introduce innovative health insurance plans they already run in
other countries.
– Currently, the requirement of paid up capital
of Rs 100 crore is a huge barrier to entry for health insurance
companies in India. IRDA must review this provision at the earliest,
if it wants the business to expand.
– IRDA needs to conduct
studies, with external expertise if required, on various aspects of
TPAs’ functioning. On a continuing basis, external auditors need to
check on various aspects of health insurance as is being conducted
by insurance companies and TPAs. External auditors can also check on
any nexus that may develop among TPAs, service providers, corporates
and insurance companies.
– Individual policyholders need the
support of the regulator as well as the government departments like
the health and finance ministries. The insurance ombudsman can play
an important role once there is a specific complaint, but the
regulator needs to study the aspects of functioning of the entire
health insurance operation in order to improve matters.
–
Finally, many TPAs mentioned their eagerness to turn themselves into
more evolved players like HMOs/health insurance companies after they
acquire sufficient knowledge and expertise. Already, a few have
started innovating and providing health management services. IRDA
needs to give this possibility some serious thought along with other
health sector experts, to understand the ramifications of such a
system in terms of equity and efficiency of healthcare delivery.
Role of Health Ministry
While the IRDA is supposed to regulate the entire insurance
market, it remains the task of the ministry of health and family
welfare to oversee the functioning of the healthcare market. There
are certain chores for the ministry to atted to.
– Firstly, it must revisit the issue of separating health
insurance from other non-health products [Ellis et al 2000, Mahal
2000], due to the social welfare aspects of health. While risk
pooling is ideally done across different markets, within the health
insurance sector there is enough heterogeneity to ensure adequate
risk pooling. Once this is done, the parameters of evaluating the
performance of both insurance companies and TPAs can be set against
the backdrop of an equitable and efficient health
market.6
– Accreditation of healthcare providers has
been talked about for a long time, much before TPAs arrived on the
scene [Nandraj and Khot 2003], and remains a stumbling block in
ensuring a functioning healthcare market in India. The ministry must
take the lead in ensuring that this happens at the earliest, so
that consumers are better able to understand the quality of services
availed.
– Similarly, standardisation of services with ratings is
important in the context of insurance and TPAs. This again is an
area where the ministry has to play a lead role.
– The finance
ministry and health ministry need to work closely more together on
health insurance products. The fact that the universal health scheme
was born in the finance ministry and has not really taken off gives
cause for concern. Formulating workable health insurance schemes for
the poor is a long drawn-out effort as it will involve data and
research in several areas, such as needs assessment, type of
healthcare to be offered under insurance, proper costing, arriving
at insurance premium based on the ability to pay, identifying the
element of subsidy involved, distribution of the product to the
identified population, educating the targeted population, and
identifying service providers. Clearly, this needs the attention of
different ministries, with the health ministry taking the lead. A
pilot scheme is the way to begin, after involving various
stakeholders. The ministry of health can and should play a much more
proactive role in formulating appropriate products for the targeted
population.
– The ministry of health and family welfare came out
with a report in 2003 the health insurance market, which is worth
mentioning here. Among other recommendations, the committee stressed
that the government should:
(1) Introduce rating and
credentialing of the providers; (2) Create common standards and
norms for coding of diseases and treatment procedures; (3) Adopt
standard health codes; (4) Create an information bank on insurance,
diseases and treatment; (5) Ensure portability across players
and schemes.
These recommendations remain valid in the context of this
discussion.
The IRDA and the ministry of health should jointly ensure that
the TPAs play an active role in community health insurance schemes
as well as the universal health scheme. The need for cashless
facilities for communities is more significant than corporate or
ordinary households, but there is as yet only a limited use of TPAs
in such schemes.
In sum, it can be safely said that TPAs can potentially play an
important role in making insured healthcare availability smoother,
but it cannot be seen as a panacea for all the problems of the
health sector, nor can it be blamed for these problems. The
functioning of the TPA is limited, but if not regulated and checked,
there is some danger that consumer interests may not be as safe
under this system as one would wish.
Address for correspondence:
indrani@ieg.ernet.in
Notes
1 http://www.bimaonline.com/cgi-bin/intermediaries/tpa.asp
2 Ibid.
3 It
is only lately that the insurance companies are allowing innovations
in the original design of Mediclaim. Thus, many tailor-made policies
are being designed by the four insurance companies for different
organisations, especially for community insurance
schemes.
4 Presentation by Praveen Sharma, OSD Insurance
division, finance ministry.
5 Employees of insurance
companies are accused of mis-utilising the Mediclaim scheme as they
are covered by this scheme themselves. In the normal course, it will
be difficult for even the TPA personnel to refuse claims of
insurance companies. This is a very serious ethical issue that IRDA
should look into.
6 This argument can be extended to life
insurance as well.
References
Bhat, Ramesh, Babu Sumesh (2003): ‘Health Insurance
and Third Party Administrators: Issues and Challenges’. Indian
Institute of Management.
Ellis, Randall, Moneer Alam and Indrani
Gupta (2000): ‘Health Insurance in India: Prognosis and Prospectus’.
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol xxxv, No 4, January 22-28.
Gupta, Aloke (2003): IRDA Journal, December.
Mahal, Ajay
(2000): ‘Who Benefits from Public Sector Health Spending in India?
Results of Benefit Incidence Analysis’, National Council of Applied
Economic Research.
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